Reviewed International Journal of Political Science and Public Administration

RELATIONS BETWEEN BORDER ZONE KAMBA AND SOMALI COMMUNITIES OF KITUI-TANA RIVER COUNTIES IN KENYA

2025-03-25T00:30:56-05:00

This study examines the relations between the Kamba and Somali communities in Kenya from around 1850 to 1963. An analysis of these relations in the pre-colonial period was taken in an attempt to lay a foundation for assessing the relations in the colonial period. Colonial policies and their impact on the Kamba-Somali relations up to 1938 were investigated. Effects of the Second World War and decolonization process on the relations between Kamba and Somali up to 1963 were assessed too. The study argues that the initial settlement of both the Kamba and Somali communities in the area of study was majorly determined by environmental factors which in turn shaped the demand and supply of products and therefore relation between the two communities. With the onset of colonialism, relations between the two communities were heavily influenced by the policy of pacification which endeavored to create a rigid boundary between the two communities and so affected free interactions and trade. Later, during the Second World War and the period after the war, the relations between these two communities were characterized by tension, division, and suspicion. The trends of interaction were interpreted using constructivism and social inter-dependence theories. The study was justified in that it examined two communities instead of one and demonstrated trends that come from such dynamic interactions as contrasted with relations within one group. Literature on inter-ethnic relations was reviewed for sharper conceptualization of the study. Two research designs were used. These two included descriptive and historical research designs. Methodologically, a purposive sampling technique was employed. Snow-ball sampling technique was also used where knowledgeable informants referred the researcher to others who also had information about the study. Data for the study was collected from both primary and secondary sources. Primary data was verified against secondary information. Secondary data was obtained from books, journals, archives and newspapers.

IMPACT OF THE BERLIN CONFERENCE (1884 – 1885) ON EAC DEVELOPMENT

2025-03-28T00:01:12-05:00

The Berlin Conference of 1884-1885, which led to the partitioning of Africa among European powers, left a profound and lasting impact on the East African Community (EAC) region, consisting of Burundi, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Kenya, Rwanda, South Sudan, Somalia, Tanzania, and Uganda. This paper examines the legacy of the Berlin Conference and its influence on the EAC, focusing on the challenges and problems arising from the artificial borders, colonial governance structures, and economic exploitation. Prior to the conference, Africa was home to rich indigenous cultures, powerful kingdoms, and intricate political systems, which were disregarded by European powers in their quest for territorial dominance and resource control. The division of Africa, often along arbitrary lines, disrupted longstanding social, cultural, and political networks, leaving behind a fragmented continent. The key provisions of the Berlin Conference, such as the "effective occupation" clause, formalized the domination of African territories by European nations, with no regard for African sovereignty. These decisions exacerbated ethnic and political tensions, often forcing disparate groups to coexist within newly drawn borders, leading to conflicts and instability that persist to this day. The interests of the colonial powers, particularly Britain, Belgium, Germany, and France, were primarily driven by economic exploitation and the desire for strategic advantages in the race for global power. This led to the extraction of Africa's natural resources and the establishment of exploitative economic systems that have shaped the region’s underdevelopment. The lasting effects of these colonial policies are still felt today in the EAC, where regional integration remains difficult due to the historical baggage of arbitrary borders, ethnic tensions, and economic disparities. Despite efforts to foster cooperation and regional integration through the EAC, challenges such as cross-border conflicts, power struggles, and the legacy of colonial rule continue to impede progress. This paper explores how these historical divisions have influenced political governance, economic policies, and social relations within the EAC region. It also examines current efforts to address these issues, including region\al integration initiatives, conflict resolution mechanisms, and socio-economic development programs. The conclusion offers recommendations for overcoming the challenges posed by the Berlin Conference’s legacy, focusing on the importance of promoting unity, good governance, and sustainable development within the EAC. These efforts are crucial for the region’s stability and prosperity as it works to heal the wounds of its colonial past and build a more integrated and equitable future.

INFLUENCE OF EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT ON WOMEN'S PARTICIPATION IN POLITICS IN BAIDOA, SOMALIA

2025-04-04T01:09:30-05:00

This study examined the influence of educational attainment on women's political participation in Baidoa, Somalia, where women face significant barriers to political engagement despite national and international calls for greater inclusion. In Somalia's patriarchal society, with its complex clan-based politics, women's representation in governance remains below 25%, with even lower rates in rural and conflict-affected regions like Baidoa. Educational disparities compound these challenges, with women disproportionately underrepresented in both primary and secondary education. Using a descriptive research design that integrated qualitative and quantitative approaches, the study collected data from 86 respondents including voters, political leaders, community leaders, and local authority representatives. Data was analyzed using both descriptive and inferential statistics, with regression analysis revealing a strong positive relationship between educational attainment and women's political participation (β = 0.421, p = 0.000). The findings indicated that education serves as a catalyst for breaking down barriers to women's political participation (mean = 4.2674) and empowers women to engage confidently in political activities (mean = 4.419). Educational attainment explains approximately 69.5% of variation in women's political participation (R² = 0.695), suggesting its critical role in equipping women with the necessary skills, confidence, and awareness to effectively engage in politics. The study recommended increasing women's access to quality education in Baidoa, particularly in rural areas, implementing policies to remove barriers to education for women, and conducting community awareness campaigns to challenge socio-cultural norms that hinder women's political participation.

EXAMINING MINING CONFLICTS ON COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT IN EASTERN EQUATORIA STATE, SOUTH SUDAN

2025-04-10T06:06:13-05:00

This study explored mining conflicts on community development in Eastern Equatoria State, South Sudan. The specific objectives of this study were to investigate the nature of mining conflicts in Eastern Equatoria State, South Sudan, to examine their consequences on community development in Eastern Equatoria State, South Sudan, and to identify potential strategies to mitigate these conflicts and promote sustainable development in mining-affected communities in Eastern Equatoria State. The study was guided by Resource Abundance Theory and Human Ecology Theory (HET). A descriptive research design based on the quantitative and qualitative approach was adopted. Computer programs like the Statistical Package for Social Scientists (SPSS) were used to develop tables and figures, using frequency and percentage statistics. Both primary and secondary methods of data collection were employed. Purposive and snowball sampling were used to select respondents. Conflicts were prevalent, including resource exploitation (31.82%), violence (24.55%), and land disputes (10%), which severely hindered community development. Mining conflicts disrupted education (96.36%) and healthcare (96.36%), worsened unemployment (80%), and harmed social cohesion (85.5%). Environmental impacts, such as water pollution and deforestation, were reported by 87.3% of respondents. Key strategies to mitigate conflicts included increased government oversight (30%) and better compensation mechanisms (24.5%), with high community interest in participation (86.4%). The study concluded that mining conflicts in Eastern Equatoria negatively impact community development and social stability, with severe consequences for education, healthcare, and the environment. There is a significant gap in government intervention, leading to widespread dissatisfaction and a pressing need for improved regulation. Community-based and collaborative approaches with mining companies were viewed as essential to sustainable conflict resolution. The study recommended that government oversight should be strengthened to enforce mining regulations effectively. Mining companies should establish fair compensation mechanisms for affected communities to foster equitable resource sharing. Collaboration with local communities should be prioritized, including joint decision-making initiatives to align operations with community needs. Finally, building local capacity in mining oversight and sustainable development practices is essential to empower communities and reduce long-term conflicts.

BELGIUM'S LEGACY IN THE AFRICAN GREAT LAKES REGION

2025-04-30T22:34:40-05:00

Belgium’s colonial history in the African Great Lakes Region, encompassing Rwanda, Burundi, and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), is marked by a complex and deeply problematic legacy that continues to affect these nations to this day. Beginning with the establishment of King Leopold II’s personal rule over the Congo Free State in the late 19th century, and continuing under formal Belgian administration, the colonial policies and practices employed by Belgium were designed to extract resources and consolidate power at the expense of indigenous populations. The Belgian presence, characterized by its exploitative and paternalistic governance model, entrenched social and political divisions, dismantled traditional systems of governance, and left these countries ill-prepared for self-rule. This work critically analyzes the multifaceted and long-lasting negative impacts of Belgian colonialism in Rwanda, Burundi, and the DRC, focusing on the political, socio-cultural, economic, and environmental repercussions that continue to shape the region. The Belgian colonial rule was primarily driven by economic gain, with an emphasis on resource extraction, forced labor, and the exploitation of indigenous populations. In the Congo, the brutal extraction of rubber only under Leopold II’s regime led to mass deaths and widespread trauma, while the institution of forced labor and harsh penalties for non-compliance served as tools to enforce colonial objectives. In Rwanda and Burundi, the Belgians introduced a system of indirect rule, which involved manipulating traditional ethnic divisions and structures to maintain control. This strategy of “divide and rule” entrenched ethnic tensions, particularly between the Hutu and Tutsi populations, setting the stage for breaking social cohesion leading to conflict and genocide against Tutsi. Although Belgium was formally responsible for the administration of these territories, the lack of proper political transition mechanisms following independence left these nations vulnerable to instability, with ethnic violence and political strife continuing for decades. In terms of socio-cultural impacts, Belgian colonialism significantly altered the region's social fabric. The introduction of European education, language, and religious practices led to cultural alienation and the erosion of traditional practices. Indigenous governance systems were disregarded, and traditional leaders were replaced or undermined by Belgian-appointed officials. The policy of institutionalizing ethnic identities in Rwanda and Burundi further exacerbated divisions between groups, which ultimately fueled violence and social fragmentation. These historical interventions have had long-lasting effects on national identity formation, as many individuals in the region continue to struggle with issues of cultural identity and belonging. Belgium’s role in shaping these identities remains a contentious issue, as the manipulation of ethnicity during colonial rule laid the groundwork for the intergenerational trauma that communities still face. Economically, Belgium's colonial exploitation has had enduring consequences, particularly in the DRC. The extraction of vast mineral resources, along with the forced labor of local populations, significantly hindered the development of local economies. Belgian policies focused primarily on the extraction of wealth from the region, with little regard for the economic development of the indigenous population. Infrastructure development was concentrated in select urban areas, leaving rural regions neglected and underdeveloped. These disparities in economic development have persisted long after independence, with regions like eastern DRC, rural Rwanda, and Burundi continuing to face economic challenges. Belgian colonial policies exacerbated wealth inequality, leading to the entrenchment of poverty and limited opportunities for socio-economic mobility in these countries. The environmental impacts of Belgian colonialism were also profound and far-reaching. In the DRC, unregulated mining practices resulted in widespread environmental degradation, including deforestation, soil erosion, and water pollution. The introduction of cash crops, such as rubber and coffee, displaced subsistence farming, which compromised local food security and contributed to long-term ecological imbalances. In addition, the Belgian colonial government’s disregard for environmental sustainability created conditions that continue to hinder agricultural productivity and resource management in these countries. Environmental degradation remains a major issue in the region, affecting the livelihoods of millions and contributing to ongoing conflicts over land and natural resources. Belgium’s colonial policies also contributed to numerous human rights abuses that left lasting scars on the region. The Congo Free State under King Leopold II is infamous for its system of terror, where millions of Congolese were killed, mutilated, or subjected to brutal treatment in the name of resource extraction. Although formal Belgian rule in the Congo, Rwanda, and Burundi was less overtly brutal, human rights abuses continued through forced labor, executions, and other forms of repression. These abuses, especially in the Congo, traumatized entire generations, and their legacy continues to affect the mental health and social cohesion of the affected populations. The scars of Belgian colonial violence remain deeply ingrained in the collective memory of the region, influencing contemporary political and social dynamics. The long-term consequences of Belgian colonialism are still felt today in the political, economic, and social structures of Rwanda, Burundi, and the DRC. The introduction and the manipulation of ethnic identities, the suppression of indigenous governance systems, and the prioritization of resource extraction have contributed to cycles of instability, violence, and underdevelopment. In the DRC, political instability and conflict have persisted for decades, while Rwanda and Burundi have struggled with ethnic tensions and cycles of violence, most notably culminating in the 1994 Genocide against Tutsi. Although the region has made progress in certain areas, such as infrastructure development and education, the colonial legacy remains a barrier to sustainable development and lasting peace. In conclusion, the colonial history of Belgium rule and practices in the African Great Lakes Region has left a profound and lasting legacy that continues to affect Rwanda, Burundi, and the DRC. The region's political instability, ethnic divisions, economic challenges, and environmental degradation can all be traced back to colonial policies and practices. Addressing these legacies requires a comprehensive and multifaceted approach, including historical acknowledgment, reparative justice, and international cooperation. Only by confronting the colonial past can these nations hope to achieve true peace, reconciliation, and development in the future.

THE POLITICAL IDEOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS AFRICAN POLITICAL SYSTEMS AND INSTITUTIONS FROM ANTIQUITY TO THE NINETEENTH CENTURY

2025-05-10T08:16:28-05:00

This study examined the political ideology embedded in indigenous African political systems and institutions from antiquity to the nineteenth century. Through qualitative historical analysis, the research highlighted the complexity, adaptability, and legitimacy of African governance systems before colonial imposition. The study was guided by African Communitarianism and Postcolonial theory to explore how African societies developed unique political ideologies based on kinship, religion, and participatory governance. Findings indicated that these systems were not primitive but were grounded in values of consensus, justice, and accountability. Indigenous political structures ranged from centralized empires like Songhai and Kongo to decentralized systems such as the Igbo, emphasizing the role of community elders and age-grades. Religious and kinship ties played a significant role in the legitimacy of rulers, with many leaders viewed as divinely sanctioned. Furthermore, the systems exhibited remarkable adaptability, incorporating external influences such as Islam while maintaining core cultural values. However, colonialism disrupted these systems, delegitimizing traditional authority and imposing foreign governance structures. The research concluded that indigenous African political thought offered valuable insights for contemporary governance and state-building in Africa, urging a re-evaluation of African political history and the inclusion of indigenous principles in modern political discourse.

THE INFLUENCE OF THE SOMALI CLAN SYSTEM ON ELECTORAL GOVERNANCE IN SOMALIA

2025-05-10T08:19:50-05:00

This study examined the influence of the Somali clan system on electoral governance in Somalia, focusing on how clan-based structures shaped political participation, power distribution, and decision-making processes. The research explored the role of the 4.5 clan-based power-sharing model, the impact of Xeer (customary law), and the effects of clan alliances on democratic governance. The study employed a qualitative approach, drawing on secondary sources, historical accounts, and case studies to analyze the relationship between clan dynamics and electoral governance. Data was sourced from scholarly articles, reports from international organizations, and Somali government documents. The research revealed that the Somali clan system played a dual role in governance. On one hand, it provided a structured mechanism for representation and conflict resolution, ensuring stability in a fragmented society. On the other hand, it entrenched neopatrimonialism, fostered elite control over political institutions, and limited broader democratic participation, particularly for marginalized groups such as women and minority clans. The study also found that reliance on clan-based governance perpetuated electoral disputes and weakened national unity efforts. While the Somali clan system remained a central pillar of governance, it posed significant challenges to democratic development. Electoral reforms needed to address the balance between traditional governance structures and modern democratic principles. The study recommended policy interventions to promote inclusivity, reduce elite manipulation, and foster a governance model that integrated traditional clan influence with institutionalized democracy.

NEW WAYS OF WORKING AND BURNOUT IN THE POST-PANDEMIC ERA

2025-05-15T18:36:56-05:00

New Ways of Working (NWW) is portrayed as a model involving flexible work arrangements made possible by information and communication technology (ICT). These flexible work arrangements have gradually evolved as the new normal in organizations particularly following the COVID-19 pandemic. Notably, at the National Health Insurance Fund (NHIF) in Kenya, this evolution is evident in the embrace of teleworking and hybrid working. Due to the novelty of NWW, there has been little research on its psychological outcomes and underlying processes. More particularly, the psychological effects it has on individuals, as well as the elements that contribute to such effects, especially within the nuanced context of a developing country. Consequently, the aim of this study is to find out to what extent New Ways of Working (NWW) relate to employee burnout among the Kenyan National Health Insurance Fund Employees and how organizational support (training and provision of material resources) moderates this relationship. The Job Demands-Resources (JD-R) model and basic psychological needs (ABC) theory provides the theoretical framework. The results of the analysis from the surveyed NHIF employees (n=117) showcase non-significant findings (a) the anticipated positive relationship between NWW and burnout proves non-significant, (b) training and provision of material resources have no significant relationship with burnout, (c) both training and provision of material resources do not moderate the relationship between NWW and burnout. These are novel insights into the relationship between NWW and burnout in the setting of a developing country. The findings are evaluated, and discussed based on theory, and various suggestions for further research and practice are made.

ROLE OF REGIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN RESOLVING THE CONGOLESE CONFLICTS

2025-05-19T22:13:14-05:00

This study investigates the impact of regional interventions on conflict resolution in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) from 2010 to 2024. Using a mixed-methods approach, the research combines qualitative analysis with econometric modeling, employing annual panel data from multiple sources, including the UCDP/PRIO Armed Conflict Dataset, World Bank indicators, OECD aid data, and official reports from regional bodies such as the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the East African Community (EAC). The study aims to evaluate how various regional interventions—military, diplomatic, and peace-building efforts—affect the level of conflict intensity in the DRC, a country that has been embroiled in prolonged conflict, particularly in its eastern regions. The econometric model applied is a fixed-effects regression, analyzing the influence of regional interventions, peace agreements, military support, diplomatic missions, GDP growth, political stability, and foreign aid on conflict intensity in the DRC. The Conflict Intensity Index (CII) serves as the dependent variable, representing the severity of conflict in the region, while key independent variables include regional interventions (RI), the number of peace agreements (PA), military support (MS), diplomatic missions (DM), economic factors like GDP growth (GDP), and political stability (Stability). The results indicate that regional interventions, peace agreements, and diplomatic missions have a significant negative effect on conflict intensity, suggesting that concerted regional efforts are crucial in mitigating violence. Specifically, regional interventions (β = -0.42, p = 0.001) and peace agreements (β = -0.25, p = 0.002) reduce conflict intensity, affirming the importance of structured peace processes and diplomacy in conflict resolution. In contrast, military support alone (β = -0.18, p = 0.370) did not exhibit a statistically significant effect, highlighting the need for a more integrated approach where military interventions are complemented by diplomatic strategies. The analysis further reveals that economic growth (β = -0.15, p = 0.035) and political stability (β = -0.27, p = 0.003) contribute significantly to the reduction of conflict intensity, supporting the argument that sustainable peace requires not just military or diplomatic interventions but also a focus on socioeconomic development and institutional strengthening. However, foreign aid (β = -0.04, p = 0.740) was found to have no significant direct effect on conflict intensity, suggesting that aid, while necessary, does not alone address the root causes of conflict. The study’s findings underscore the importance of integrated, multifaceted interventions in reducing conflict intensity. While regional military interventions can play a role, the results stress the pivotal role of diplomatic engagement and peace agreements, as well as the broader contextual factors like economic growth and political stability. Furthermore, the lack of significant findings regarding foreign aid calls for a reevaluation of donor-driven agendas and a more localized approach to peacebuilding that aligns better with the needs and sovereignty of the DRC. This research contributes to the ongoing discourse on conflict resolution, offering valuable insights into the complex dynamics between military, diplomatic, and economic factors in post-conflict environments. The study also provides a foundation for future research on the role of regional organizations in managing and mitigating conflict in Africa, particularly in countries with ongoing instability such as the DRC.

CONTRIBUTIONS OF ARISTOTELIANISM, HOBBESIAN REALISM, GROTIUS LEGALISM AND KANTIAN PHILOSOPHY ON GEOPOLITICS, SECURITY AND ITS APPLICATION TO SOCIAL TRANSFORMATION

2025-05-26T19:00:08-05:00

This paper examined the philosophical foundations of Aristotelianism, Hobbesian realism, Grotius’ legalism, and Kantian philosophy and their impact on geopolitics, security, and social transformation. Through a comparative analysis of key philosophical texts, the study explored how each framework contributed to modern political order, state behavior, international norms, and the evolution of just and secure societies. The research found that Aristotelianism’s emphasis on virtue ethics and civic participation informs democratic governance and social cohesion, Hobbesian realism’s focus on state sovereignty and security justifies the role of strong central authority, Grotius’ legalism underpins the foundation of international law, and Kant’s cosmopolitanism advocates for universal rights and global cooperation. Collectively, these traditions continue to shape contemporary global governance and peacebuilding efforts. The study revealed that Aristotelianism offers a moral framework that influences democratic governance by emphasizing the role of ethical leadership and active civic participation. Hobbesian realism, with its emphasis on state security in an anarchic international system, advocates for the preservation of state sovereignty through strong authority. Grotius’ legalism provides the basis for international humanitarian law by establishing the moral and legal responsibilities of states in wartime. Lastly, Kantian philosophy promotes perpetual peace through cosmopolitanism and human rights, suggesting that global peace can be achieved through cooperation based on justice and universal respect. These findings demonstrate that the philosophical traditions of Aristotle, Hobbes, Grotius, and Kant have ongoing relevance in shaping modern international relations. The study recommended integrating Aristotelian virtue ethics into modern political governance to foster ethical leadership and active civic engagement, which would improve democratic governance and reduce corruption. It also suggests that Hobbesian realism should be balanced with greater global cooperation to address contemporary international challenges. Additionally, the study recommended strengthening international law based on Grotius’ principles, particularly in conflict zones, to ensure state accountability and humanitarian protection. Lastly, it advocates for a more widespread commitment to Kantian cosmopolitanism and human rights within international institutions to promote peaceful cooperation and global stability.

INFLUENCE OF SERVICE AVAILABILITY AND ACCESSIBILITY ON PUBLIC TRUST IN GHANA’S DISTRICT ASSEMBLIES

2025-05-29T19:41:50-05:00

Availability and accessibility are important features of public services because they influence how citizens interact with and benefit from government actions. Availability refers to the presence and sufficiency of services to meet public demands, whereas accessibility refers to how easily citizens can access and use these services. Understanding these concepts is critical for investigating how public services influence governance outcomes. One such governance outcome has been identified as public trust. This study, therefore, explored the influence of service availability and accessibility on public trust in Ghana’s district assemblies. The was based on the social exchange theory and the agency theory. The study conducted fourteen interviews in the Ga West Municipal Assembly and the Accra Metropolitan Assembly to gather qualitative data. The data was analysed using deductive thematic summary analysis, reinforced with some direct quotations from the study participants. The study found that there were low levels of trust among citizens towards the district assemblies. The poor state of service indicators in terms of availability and accessibility was attributed to erosion of public trust. The study concludes that if the services provided by district assemblies are available and accessible, then the levels of public trust will increase. District assembly officials are encouraged to create mechanisms for engaging the public on service availability and accessibility and acting on feedback. The district assemblies should also invest in expanding online services and consider introducing mobile services to enhance the availability and accessibility of their services.

THE INFLUENCE OF MILITARY ENGAGEMENT IN SOMALIA ON THE ACHIEVEMENT OF KENYA'S NATIONAL SECURITY INTERESTS

2025-05-31T08:59:09-05:00

This study examined the influence of military engagement in Somalia on the achievement of Kenya's national security interests, addressing critical questions about the effectiveness of over a decade of military intervention. Kenya's military involvement in Somalia, beginning with Operation Linda Nchi in 2011 and continuing through the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), represents a significant departure from traditional non-interventionist policies toward active regional security engagement. The research was motivated by persistent security challenges despite substantial military investment, including continued Al-Shabaab attacks within Kenya and ongoing border insecurity. The study employed a descriptive research design, targeting 300 individuals including military officers, government officials, counterterrorism experts, and affected residents. Using Yamane's formula, a sample size of 171 respondents was selected through purposive sampling, achieving an exceptional response rate of 96.5%. Data were collected through structured questionnaires with analysis conducted using SPSS version 27.0 employing descriptive and inferential statistics, including regression analysis. The findings revealed a strong positive relationship between military engagement in Somalia and Kenya's national security achievement, with a correlation coefficient of R = 0.869 and explanatory power of R² = 0.751, indicating that 75.1% of variance in national security outcomes is attributed to military engagement. Key achievements included enhanced strategic integration of military, diplomatic, and counterterrorism efforts (mean = 4.37), strengthened regional military collaboration (mean = 4.35), and improved public confidence in military capacity (mean = 4.22). Counter-terrorism operations demonstrated significant effectiveness in reducing terrorist threats and incidents within Kenya. The study concludes that Kenya's military engagement in Somalia significantly influences national security interest achievement through improved border security, reduced terrorist activities, enhanced regional stability, and strengthened security infrastructure. The research recommends continued military collaboration with regional partners, sustained counter-terrorism operations, enhanced border security investment, and comprehensive evaluation mechanisms to optimize military engagement strategies for sustained national security benefits.

AN INVESTIGATION OF FACTORS AFFECTING EMPLOYEE WORK PERFORMANCE IN COUNTY GOVERNMENTS IN KENYA

2025-06-13T20:04:01-05:00

Employee performance is critical to achieving organizational objectives and being competitive. The general objective of this study was to assess the factors associated with workers performance in Meru County offices. This study adopted a descriptive research design. The study population consisted of all the 350 employees of Meru County government. A sample of 200 employees was selected based on stratified random sampling technique. Data was collected using an electronic questionnaire administrated to sampled workers through an email via the HR department. Regression and Correlation analysis was used to determine the relationship between the organizational culture, remuneration, training and work environment on employee job performance. The findings from the study confirm that a positive and significant association between organizational culture, remuneration, training, and work environment might all influence employee job performance and there is need for the organization to improve on training and leadership in order to achieve continual improvement. The findings have policy implications for organizational control design, the budgeting system, strategies for involving managers in budgeting, instilling their organizational commitment, and improving their performance.